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Sex and Morals: Rearming the Left

i've pointed to common ground between the moral right and feminism: hostility to pornography and sexual exploitation, concern with the sexual dangers and pressures experienced by girls and women, concern with the medical profession's power etc. in many ways of course the moral right's ideals are the polar opposite to feminism: their view of women's proper role (namely mother and submissive wife) and of 'natural' and 'normal' sex (heterosexual with ah abhorrence of homosexuality) are clear examples. While feminism discussed the political dimension of sexuality and sexual for the left to renew itself, to have any long-term future and to appeal to women, it needs to take on board not simply issues of sexual morality but the challenge of feminism morality, so too did the moral right though in terms far removed from women's liberation.

Photo Feature - Mods & Rockers Our Heroes

not crusading films, but private films, of course, in second-feature melodramas which traditionally take place in the world of wellspoken ladies and gentlemen wholive in orderly suburban houses that are bigger inside than out, with white telephones, hygienic kitchens, and no lavatories or dustbins, but the great discovery of the fifties—having its origin in the insistence of the free cinema group of documentarists, in hints in, freak films like the tommy steele story, and in band-wagon journalistics like violent playground, and confirmed by room at the top and look back in anger—wasthat there was a britain outside the metropolitan, middle-class no-culture ; and that this larger british society involved themes “the film of overt social comment, it’s worth noting, always frightens commercial interests, in the new order that is coming everywhere in production, films of the type i’ve tried to indicate above (i.e., the private kind of picture) are more likely to slip through: at least they won't, to the same extent, frighten backers away. There is no longer any purpose to be served by simple documentation of life and richard harris and rachel roberts in a scene from “this sporting life” summer 1964 views no. 5  david robinson thought, or by the’ working-class film as a genre per se, the working-class hero can now betreated, artistically speaking, as a human being, not as a social phenomenon, and when that has become possible, then there can necessarily be more complex discussions of the spiritual implications of class cultures.

The British Left and the Levin Syndrome

f o rw a rd — l ook in g p e o p le first, an elaborate vocabulary surrounds all discussion of the labour party, and the role it is being exhorted to play: e.g. “at present that traditional stream of british thought which is broadly progressive, radical and humanitarian is split three ways between the bow group (used as a shorthand phrase for the tory left) “w ho m a d e d e m o c r a c y f a ll?” not to have set our own initial question only limits us if we are not allowed to work on the question but are bound to work within it.

Heroes For Our Times : Tommy Cooper

198  heroes for our times heroes, history and mourning eric santner's stranded objects: mourning, memory and film in postwar germany, offers a starting point for considering these questions concerning contemporary culture, heroes and their fascinations." Soundings issue 3 summer 1996 heroes for our times: tommy cooper susannah radstone susannah radstone explores the complex ways in which screen personas relate to the vicissitudes of historical and psychical life, taking as her focus the comedian tommy cooper and some recent film roles played by anthony hopkins.

The Idea of a Sexual Community

n this article i want to look at four key elements contained in the idea of a sexual community: community as a focus of identity; community as ethos or repository of values; community as social capital; and community as politics. c community as ethos and repository of values mark blasius, in his recent book, gay and lesbian politics, has argued that the lesbian and gay struggle has produced a sense of community and identity which 76  the idea of a sexual community provides the context for moral agency, and hence for the emergence of a lesbian and gay ethos enacted in everyday life.

Entertainment, Or The Policing Of Virtue

11 peter brooks, 'the mark of the beast: prostitution, melodrama and narrative', in d. gerould (ed.), melodrama (new york: new york literary forum, 1980), 130-1. e n t e r t a i n m e n t , or the p o l i c i n g of v i r t u e 69  12 michel koucault, 'omnes et singulalim. Lord londonderry declared that the sketches were offensive - made him quite sick - and were 'calculated to inflame the passions', (emphasis added) 44 more interesting perhaps, in so far as it evidences a certain resistance to this mutation of the visible and its political articulation to new forms of instruction and investigation, are the complaints of a member of parliament: 'for the first time, in any report of evidence presented to the house on a great public question of this sort, the royal road was taken of communicating information through the eye'.45 it was not long, through magazines like the illustrated london news, punch and the prosaic but very popular builder, before the topography of the city itself became subject to the all-seeing, cross-sectional eye as well as to other forms of moral, caricatural, and 'character-based' forms of drawing and engraving.

Englishness And The Paradox Of Modernity

Time and again it becomes clear that the dominant national cultural institutions of contemporary england the oxford english dictionary, the implantation of english as an academic and school discipline, the dictionary of national biography, the national art galleries, music colleges and orchestras and so on - were formed in this period, creating a new civic culture, and amounting to a risorgimento as organized as, if rather more understated and concealed by the perceived inheritances of tradition than, those simultaneously established in the new european nation-states. there is, for example, the extraordinary combined and uneven cultural development of englishness, producing a powerfully circumscribed masculine metropolitan centre of unparalleled privilege (westminster, the city, oxford and cambridge), the adjacent 'domestic' regions quaindy known in middle-class parlance as the home counties, in the south-eastern corner of the country, more open to feminine negotiation (the country houses dominated by the fashionable hostesses, the suburbs, ascot, henley and so on, the secluded total institutions for the children: the famous public schools and the profusion of anonymous south coast prep schools) and then the outer satellites of ottawa or buenos aires (which until very recently boasted its own branch of harrods), nairobi or cairo (with its renowned monument to the empire, shephard's hotel) possessing a closer cultural proximity to the metropolitan centre than those other great imperial cities, cardiff, liverpool or glasgow.

What does the Black man want?'

at times fanon attempts too close a correspondence between the mise-en-scene of unconscious fantasy and the phantoms of racist fear and hate that stalk the colonial scene; he turns too hastily from the ambivalences of identification to the antagonistic identities of political alienation and cultural discrimination; he is too quick to name the other, to personalize its presence in the language of colonial racism - 'the real other for the white man is and will continue to be the black man. Fanon's demand for a psychoanalytic explanation emerges from the perverse reflections of 'civil virtue' in the alienating acts of colonial governance: the visibility of cultural 'mummification' in the colonizer's avowed ambition to civilize or modernize the native which results in 'archaic inert institutions [that function] under the oppressor's supervision like a caricature of formerly fertile institutions'; or the validity of violence in the very definition of the colonial social space; or the viability of the febrile, phantasmic images of racial hatred that come to be absorbed and acted out in the wisdom of the west.

Armed Resistance and Insurrection: Early Chartism

taylor james taylor dr john taylor william thomason william thornton william tillman william vallance john vevers thomas vincent henry waddington samuel warden john (manchester, bookseller) {manchester, agent for gunmaker) (bolton, beershop keeper) (south shields, tailor) (ashton under lyne, apothocary) (london) (preston, handloom weaver) (bradford & sheffield, shoemaker) (newcastle, shoemaker) (barnsley, linen weaver) (leicester) (stockport, beerseller-ex-spinner) (bristol, tin plate metal worker) (london, tailor) (london, newspaper editor) (leeds, newspaper proprietor) (fixby, steward) (stockton, basket maker) (ouseburn nr newcastle, shoemaker) (edinburgh, staymaker) (tottingten, lanes) (stockport, power-loom weaver) (heywood, teacher) (trowbridge, druggist) (birmingham) (thorneley) (holt, wilts) (salford, bookseller ex-joiner) (leeds) (manchester, tailor) (bath, solicitor) (manchester) (hyde) (manchester, boot and shoemaker) (ashton-under-lyne, dissenting minister) (spotland, rochdale) (ayrshire/carlisle, political lecturer) (newton heath nr manchester) (newcastle, glassmaker) (bradford, solicitor) (manchester, shoemaker) (barnsley, weaver) (huddersfield) (ex london/wilts-printer) (london, boot and shoemaker) (bolton, gardener) 37  wareham george wilde john williams james * white george * widdop john * wolstenholme james wood wright john (stockport, weaver) {ashton-under-lyne, shopkeeper) (sunderland) (leeds/bradford, woolcomber) (barnsley, warehouseman) (sheffield, working grinder) (bolton) (stockport, cotton spinner) •yorkshire activists referred to in this study 38  history group publications back issues of our history currently available - june 1984 duplicated format 23 pages from a worker's life 24 lancashire cotton famine by stan broadbridge 36/7 prints of the labour movement 51 leveller democracy — fact or myth? R.v. jacobs samuel jarrett charles johnson george johnson issac knox robert lawson — lee abraham lindon william smith 36 (mansfield, brushmaker) (bolton, blacksmith) (bedlington, northumberland, stonemason) {newcastle, joiner) (stockport, spinner, publican) (manchester, stonemason) (stalybridge, ex-cotton spinner) {newcastle, journalist) (almonsbury, weaver) (newcastle, soap manufacturer) (ashton, publican) (birmingham, teacher, solicitor) (leeds) (stockport, dissenting minister) (newcastle, collier) (westhaughton, ex-shoemaker) (bury, surgeon) (sheffield, baker) (sheffield, cabinet maker) (sheffield, scale cutter) (bolton, weaver) (london —) (heywood) (carlisle, hand loom weaver) (halifax, hand loom weaver) (london, political lecturer) (durham) (stroud) (dewsbury) (bedlington, surgeon) (newcastle, collier) (ashton-under-lyne, cotton spinner) (bradford, wool comber) (stockport, cotton carder) (london, porter) (manchester, ex-shoemaker) (bristol, cabinet maker) (loughborough, framework knitter) (ashton, hatter) (stockport, smith) (sunderland) (rotherham, mason) (middleton) (dudley, moulder) * * * * * * * linney joseph livesey john lloyd george lowery robert macdoual peter murray maitland — marsden richard martin william mason john maudsley amos mellers — mitchell james morgan — neesome charles h o'brien bronterre o'connor feargus oastler richard owen james bald parker william peddie robert pickles — pilling richard plant job potts william powell — redhead william rich thomas richardson r.j. rider william roberts david roberts w.p. rushton shaw smith george h. stephens j.r. rev.

The 1926 General Strike in Lanarkshire

this body had been set up at the miners' union headquarters in hamilton on the weekend before the official strike call and had, according to the emergency press, been arranging demonstrations and speakers throughout the county from that time.22 the joint commit9  tee was in contact with twenty-three councils of action in lanarkshire (mostly in the north) to which it issued information and instructions including the stuc daily bulletins and later the scottish worker. That the workers in north lanarkshire responded to the stuc's strike call with particular alacrity and solidarity is testified to in a letter by james jarvie, secretary of lanarkshire joint trades industrial committee to stuc headquarters in glasgow on may 5, the second day of the strike.

The Revolt in the Fields in East Anglia

(16) by the end of june 1872 over 1,000 were said to be "in the union" in wisbech and the neighbouring villages, (17) in the same month there were reports of the beginnings of what was to become the peterborough  page three district agricultural labourers' union, (18) and by july there was in existence a haverhill (suffolk) agricultural labourers" union with 200 members. The brampton union (later called the huntingdonshire labourers' union) was reported to have had between 14,000 and 15,000 members in the county by the first week of may, (15) while new movements were reported from places like botesdale (suffolk), where a union was formed (this was an area where labour was scarce) from amongst the labourers of riekinghall, wortham, burgate, wattisfield, hinderolay, and walsham-le-willows.

The Social Thinking of D.H. Lawrence

The material processes of satisfying human needs are not separated from personal relationships; and lawrence knew from this, not only that the processes must be accepted (he was firm on this through all his subsequent life, to the surprise of friends for whom these things had normally been the function of servants), but also that a common life has to be made on the basis of a correspondence between work relationships and personal relationships: something, again, which was only available, if at all, as an abstraction, to those whose first model of society, in the family, had been hierarchical, separative and inclusive of the element of paid substitute labour—carlyle's "cashnexus." for lawrence, the affirmation led on to an interesting declaration of faith in democracy, but this was something rather different from the democracy of, say, a utilitarian: so, we know the first great purpose of democracy: that each man shall be spontaneously himself—each man himself, each woman herself, without any question of equality or inequality entering in at all; and that no man shall try to determine the being of any other man, or of any other woman.

The Lancashire Cotton Famine 1861-65

The lancashire cotton 'famine' 1861-65 "as long as the english cotton manufacturers depended on slave-grown cotton, it could truthfully be asserted that they rested on a twofold slavery, the indirect slavery of the white man in england and the direct slavery of the black men on the other side of the atlantic." Karl marx, new york daily tribune, october 14, 1861 most accounts of the period 1861-5 in lancashire draw a picture of a cotton industry dislocated by lack of supplies of raw cotton, as a result of the american civil war and the blockade of southern ports by the north.

Pages from a Painter's Diary

a byzantine mosaicist pauses to reflect on the last ordained tessera he has inserted; a renaissance painter pauses to reflect on whether his proportions, his counterpoint, can be made more unified; a baroque artist pauses to examine whether he can tense even further; delacroix pauses to reflect on the romantic alchemy of his colour; cezanne pauses to reflect again on whether he is still being faithful to his little elusive sensation; we today pause to reflect on whether our severity might be made more severe; and in every one of these pauses the artist faces the same difficulty—it is the difficulty that unites us—the difficulty of making the intangible, of creating a cold form to contain our fervent content. After the sleeping draught and the last visit of the brisk, cheerful night nurse in the old people's ward how many octogenarians mutter beside that shepherd and, putting their old hand into the glove of that young one, play whilst the shepherd pipes the tunes of their heyday and the broken tree behind bears witness to their age and the temperature chart above their bed?

Some Dilemmas For Marxists 1900 - 1914

to join the labour party?" the most forward-looking contribution came from zelda kahan-coates of hackney, wife of w.p. coates: "...we withdrew from the labour party because we foresaw that the official labour party would tend more and more in a direction towards rad-icalismj and we thought, i presume, that by remaining outside as a vigorous, independent socialist body we should attract to ourselves the best elements of the labour movement, and thus we should more speedily be able to build up a real mass socialist labour party. although this pamphlet is based on documentary evidence, it also owes a good deal to general discussion with several members of the pre-1914 marxist party, especially frank tanner (who has also done some research on this period), frank newell, joe vaughan, and frank jackson. attitude to the labour party the labour representation committee (later called the labour party) was formed in february 1900 to unite trade unions and socialist parties for election purposes.

The General Strike In The North East

general strike all railwaymen to cease work to-night transport workers, printers and metal workers to follow general council's arrangements for general stoppage the front page gives news of readiness for action in the area, of local councils of notion going ahead, and of union executive committees following the lead of the general council. The bodies of men at his disposal were the various government officials, the organisation for the maintenance of supplies (3), other strike breaking bodies "composed mainly of middle class persons", the fascists one of whose organisations had an arrangements with o.m.s., the special constabulary, (1) "traffic circulation on the great north-south arteries running through durham and northumberland was completely stopped by the implacable tourniquet of the miners' mass picketing"; a. hutt, post-war history of the british working class (gollancz, 1937) 150-1. (2) it was printed in labour monthly (june, 1926) without mention of the place concerned; it appears also in r.page arnot, the miners: years of struggle (allen & unwin, 1953) 436-9. (3) set up in september 1925 ostensibly as a voluntary and non¬ governmental agency but handed over to the government from the outset of the strike.

DR. MARX AND THE VICTORIAN CRITICS

It was written with sympathy and courtesy, and with full appreciation of "that great work," "that remarkable section" in which marx discusses value, "that great logician" and even of the "contributions of extreme importance" which wicksteed believed marx to have made in the latter part of volume i. but, whatever we may now think of the pure marginalist approach to value-theory, wicksteed's article did more to create the mistaken feeling among socialists that marx value theory was somehow irrelevant to the economic justification of socialism than the emotional diatribes of a foxwell or a flint ("the greatest failure in the history of economics"). Mr. trevor-roper has spent a good deal of time propounding the very implausible propositions that marx has made no original contribution to history except "to sweep up the ideas already advanced by other thinkers and annex them to a crude philosophical dogma;" that his historical interpretation is useless for the past and discredited insofar as the predictions based on it have not come' off; and that he has been without significant influence on serious historians, while those who claim to be marxists either write "what marx and lenin would have called 'bourgeois' social history" or are "an army of dim scholiasts busily commenting on each others' scholia."

England: the Left and the Common Market

Indeed, in view of this restriction on our ability to cope with a balance of payments problem, it is ironic that the record of the conservative government on the provision of instruments capable of modifying the working of blind market forces is much worse than that of the french: it offered the free trade area the only alter­ native to the common market, it abolished the european payments union, it opened the british market to imports from the usa which came as a reprisal against the common market countries), and has passed no distinction in anti­ cartel legislation. it will be as well, therefore, at the cost of losing some of the subtleties of the arguments, briefly to recall what the arguments against joining the common market are: on the ‘political’ side, then, it is argued that membership of the common market will involve a loss of what bargaining power we can pretend to have within the western alliance (because both the implicit loss of independence as a result of increased economic dependence, and also, possibly, be­ cause of the explicit provision for a ‘co-ordination of foreign policies’), loss of autonomy in some major aspects of national economic and social policy, and subordination of democratic­ ally determined policies to the whim of bureaucratic empires.

Transversal Politics: Introduction – Transversal Politics and Translating Practices

the network is a cross-community alliance of women's centres and other women's organisations that have come together to get working-class women's needs voiced in the political system and the peace process of northern ireland.' during 1998 the three projects made a further transversal move, exchanging visits across state boundaries to see what could be learned from each other's experience.3 it was the findings of this series of transnational visits (we called this continuation of the project bridge between bridges) that were presented at the 'doing transversal politics' conference. the women building bridges research project was funded by city university, the e. and h.n. boyd and j.e. morland charitable trust, the william a. cadbury charitable trust, the community relations commission of northern ireland, the global fund tor women, the lipman-miliband trust, the network tor social change, the niwano peace foundation, the scurrah wainwright charity and womankind worldwide.

PORNOGRAPHY: Desperately Seeking Consensus - roundtable discussion

c l a r e of course that's right, but if it's the case that we find when serious sexual offenders are arrested that they live in places stuffed with porn, i just 25 suzanne: 'i see degrading images of women in films that upset me far more than anything i've ever seen in a pornographic magazine' mandy, even among lesbian women there are very considerable arguments. h a n d y race-relations legislation 23 clare: 'people who say, "this is censorship" won't have the discussion about whether it is degrading, demeaning and hurtful to women' around incitement is never used in the way that the proponents of this kind of legislation would like sexist material to be proscribed.

Moscow's Red Alert - roundtable discussion

But precisely because of this i think it is essential to maintain a consistently critical attitude towards gorbachev, despite my great respect arkady: 'in five years' time power will be held by a coalition of social democrats and bourgeois circles' a r k a d y to stick my neck out, i think the country will have changed a great deal in five years' time. Do you think that the people are so conservative that they would support a 'conservative-communist' party led, say, by ligachev? a l e x a n d e r first, it would not be under the leadership of ligachev.

New Times - A Tale Of New Cities

Though some of its themes are clear - new forms of collective consumption, the emphasis on liveability and conviviality, the idea of an interdependent ecology of city life, of the city as a means of communication, and of the city as a potential defence against the volatilities of an overconnected world these still need to be fleshed out, experimented with and articulated. Pittsburgh in pennsylvania is often cited as the classic success story, a terminally run-down march 1989  'new forms of retailing are busting apart the ecology of the city centre' industrial city that used arts as part of a broader strategy of regeneration that resulted in it being voted the most liveable city in the whole usa.

National Anthems - interview with the Proclaimers

If many more people felt as clear headed and politicallycapable as we did that day, then surely things would change? a few days later, the dangers of letting scottish citizens discuss their own nationalism expressed at govan, as 'thinking with the blood'; the wavering-labour, pro-scottish, anti-tory citizen is either a childish dolt or an incipient fascist. stv's explicitly-titled discussion programme, scottish assembly, certainly provides what jean baudrillard would call 'simulation' of public opinion: 100 scots, market-researched by mori to reflect the class, educational and economic patterns of scottish society, who electronically vote three or four times a show on aspects of a main topic.

Literary Excavation Interview with Toni Morrison

pratibha parmar talked to her on her visit to britain to launch her novel, beloved the impetus for your latest novel, beloved, came from a real historical incident from the slave era, when margaret garner, an escaped slave, was forced into killing her daughter rather than see her being forced into the brutalities and mutilation of slavery. The real point is that to june and angela and all those people, there toni morrison: public tribute was something about what they were saying about honouring our own at a time when jimmy (james baldwin) had just died.

Family French Lessons interview with Marilyn French

The women's room legitimated women's experience and women's work and women's lives in a way that nothing else had done. Whether to have a baby or not, how your life is going to alter if you do have one, how you sacrifice yourself or are involved in that are still women's decisions as if women were totally responsible for the next generation and men were not.